Sunday, February 28, 2010

Nancy Meets the Tea People

Speaker Pelosi's overture towards the Tea Party set is too little, too late. It's all well and good to say we have something in common, but it reminds me of one of those awkward, halting monologues Captain Kirk gives to stop from getting his ass kicked by some gigantic rubber monster:


"We... havemanythings... in... common. We...dislike...specialinterestsinWashington."

I've heard the Tea People called all kinds of things. Hell, I've said all kinds of things about them too. Call them the mob, shills for industry, dumb rednecks, whatever. You can't change who they are. Regardless of the paranoia that makes good press coverage, there are a lot of normal, pissed off people in those crowds, and a lot more people watching TV and listening to radio who are sympathetic to what they do.

I can't imagine a more flexible, independent and decentralized inroad to white, middle-American unease. No need to circumvent the Christian Right, no need to defuse a lot of well-entrenched and heavily financed ideology. It's about as pure a movement can be imagined in these times. I happen to buy what they're selling, but Obama's Organizing for America is a bought-and-sold subsidiary of the Democratic party. The Tea Party represents what is still the largest voting bloc in the country, and the Republicans have been duping them into a whole lot of nonsense for way too long.

If progressive ideas are good for the tea set, there should be no problem selling those ideas to them. And I believe they are. So do lots of people. So what's the disconnect? Maybe it's time to look in the mirror and ask ourselves, "pretentious, moi?"

We know our ideas are good for America. Progressive ideas actually deal with our long term fiscal solvency. We actually care about whether people can get a job somewhere other than flipping burgers. We're not indifferent to the mission of making sure everyone can see a doctor when they need it.

And we write these people off because we find them distasteful. Time to rethink things, guys. Something's not right when the very people you want to help hate you, and you can't just blame the Republicans.

I've talked to enough of white, rural America to know that most of them will listen to reason if you put it the right way. I've heard enough stories to believe that it really is that bad out there. People aren't working. When they are, they have no money saved up for a rainy day, no benefits in case they get sick, no future. And they fall in with anyone who says simply, enough is enough, life sucks, let's get free again. Well, there's more than one kind of freedom.

Progressives (I won't even say Democrats) will never win over all of the Tea People. They probably won't even get to most of them. But this movement isn't owned by anybody. When it comes to white America, there has been a real lack of imagination among progressive strategists. That has to change. That's taking back our country. That's change I can believe in.

Thursday, February 25, 2010

Summit!

I felt like it'd be good to get something in writing before this thing got started, to see how my views end up comparing with what shakes out.

This summit is about skewing the public's energy either towards or away from health care reform. I wish it had happened a year ago. We might have had a real good-faith negotiation then. But that was before claims of death panels, and Senator DeMint calling the GOP's effort to halt health care reform Obama's Waterloo. That was before the Democrats finally gave up on bringing a few GOP legislators on board. It was before the absolute exasperation that anyone involved in this issue must be feeling after a year of melodrama.

First of all, it's important to remember why the summit got started in the first place. Obama did very well in his meeting with the GOP at their own summit in Baltimore. He saw that when policy is actually debated in a public forum, his ideas came away looking good. Arguing policy instead of politics put things into terms that made his side look better than it had in ages. So when things went south for the health effort, he called for a summit.

The GOP has a harder job today. When taken as policy, the GOP has never been in a good spot with health care. They don't believe in it. At the core, individualism simply does not square with solidarity. They are fundamentally uninterested in comprehensive, secure coverage for all Americans. Health care is another product to be bought and sold; if you want it bad enough you can find the money. If you don't, that's your problem. This view is far to the right of American public opinion. When you get into the morality of health care, most Americans believe that health care is a right, like the fire department, not a privilege, like a movie ticket.

The last thing the GOP wants is for the public to hear what they really believe-- that we're on our own, that nature's competitive pressures will sort things out. Maybe this is a better arrangement, but it's not a popular one. They will come to the table with the maximum amount of ideas that their beliefs will tolerate. They must convince America that they've been serious all along about an issue they don't care about. They must look like a victim of the tyranny of the majority, like the misunderstood underdogs. It seems paradoxical for someone who wants to do nothing to suggest doing something, but only if real results are expected out of this summit. It's about having just enough policy on the table to burnish their image.

The Democrats really don't have a core set of beliefs like the GOP does. Some of them think everything would be better if the government just took over the whole enterprise of paying for health care. Some think that we can make the market work with the right rules. Everyone wants to be reelected, but Democrats tend to believe that it's not what you say, but what you do. The common Democratic fallacy is that people respond to good ideas and little else. Ideas aren't enough. Coming off as confident in those ideas, striking the right emotional notes, using the right vocabulary is every bit as important as the policy. They screw this up again and again. Today, they can't. Today, they must have just enough image on the table to burnish their policy.

None of this is really anything new. A thousand blogs written by a thousand monkeys will one day say the same thing. I'll only add that the momentum seems to be in favor of the Democrats. They have far more to lose than the GOP has to gain. That is the narrative underpinning this whole effort. The media know it, the public knows it. They just need to get out there and fulfill everyone's expectations. Something unexpected will happen. There will be plot twists. Quotable moments will be had by all. But the trajectory of the reform effort will remain unchanged. It will pass. This is a morale moment for the Democrats, a battle on the home soil of health care policy instead of the hostile terrain of nutty town halls.

If nothing else comes of this, the idea of a summit as part of political tradition makes a lot of sense considering the media scrutiny that any public act must countenance these days. Forcing our leaders into real dialogue instead of the mutual monologue permitted by current media formats is just good policy. Politics should be more than a competition; current arrangements tend to exacerbate that natural tendency. Real debates might actually lead to the dialectic that our system depends on. In the future, when big legislation is at stake, I hope these summits happen early and often. Legislators must be held accountable for their statements. Their ideals and policies must be challenged by the opposition in real time. They must put those ideals and policies to work improving America.

Do I think that will happen today? No. But I think we may be at the beginning of the revitalization of something greater than the brutal zero sum game that's been the theme of the past 20-or-so years.

Thursday, February 18, 2010

Death and Taxes

I just read the suicide note of the guy who crashed his plane into the Austin IRS office. Like a lot of terrible things, it's complicated, written by an intelligent person with legitimate grievances who was in need of some serious help. Putting aside the grandeur of going out like a kamikaze pilot, this man's suicide looks like too many others. From what I can tell, there's a basic structure of a posthumous justification for self-destruction. It's something like:

1. Introduction: This is who I am, a regular person.
2. Presentation of Evidence: I've had some bad things happen to me.
3. Argument: It's too much for me to bare. I'm too sad or angry.
4. Conciliation (optional): Sorry.
5. Conclusion: Goodbye.

The morbid side of me thinks you could have some fun with a Mad Libs version of a suicide note, but then I remember how destructive such an act is; how much collateral damage is inflicted on family and friends, how deeply disturbing and almost contrary to nature are the motivations needed to end one's own life.

A suicide note looks like anyone making a personal grievance for the first two points. Sometimes they almost make light of a tough situation the way most of us might. The difference comes at the third point. It's in their argument where the suicidal person reveals just how different, how darkly shaded their perceptions are from everyone else.

A lot of people get screwed by the IRS. The laws are complicated. They have a lot of power and can make arbitrary decisions that can affect many parts of a person's life. Some people misunderstand what they can deduct or claim, some people justify a tax dodge in the name of freedom, and some people get just plain hosed by the powerful. I have a neighbor who once had to spend $12,000 dollars to pay an accountant to sort out an IRS mess. Without knowing any other details of that neighbor's predicament, I can understand their frustration. The difference is in the reaction. My neighbor is no fan of the IRS, so they complain where appropriate, and go to anti-IRS meetings. They don't kill themselves by crashing into an IRS building.

This is not unrelated to the guys in tricornered hats going on about how unfair and all-powerful the government is. There is an impish delusion at work, skewing people's perceptions of what's just and what's unfair. The fact that a tax collecting agency can provide a justification for suicide shows some sort of cultural pathology at work. Deserved or not, there's something terribly wrong with people's perceptions of the IRS. To place a tax collecting agency in the same emotional category as self-hate, jilted lovers, devastating rejection, or utter personal failure is a whole new level of crazy.

I'd love to see tax codes be simpler. I'd love to see it be harder for rich people to dodge the taxman with expensive lawyers and accountants. I'd love to have my federal filing take 5 minutes instead of a Saturday afternoon.

But I don't think I pay too much in taxes. I know that almost everyone is paying significantly less than back in the 90s, when the economy was going strong. Taxes don't make me fear for mine or my children's freedom. Reasonable people can disagree on those perceptions, but I'd wager that it's not my side of the argument that's getting carried away.

Thursday, February 11, 2010

Insurance and Cost Containment

I've been seeing a view crop up on the blogosphere that insurance is the problem with health care, rather than the solution. The sentiment comes from the idea that if individuals were made more sensitive to the costs of care, they'd shop around and use less of it. So the theory is that insured people are insulated from market signals, like a $50K price tag for an operation, so they can't make their preferences known.

This view is that medicine worked great 19th century before health care was an insurance product, so it's insurance that's causing all this trouble. But back then, choices were largely limited to heartwarming housecalls, or a room in the sanitarium. Medicine was cheap then because they couldn't do much for your tuberculosis or syphilis.

Today, that $50K operation saves lives in ways unimaginable to the country doctor of yesteryear. At the same time, people don't usually have that kind of cash lying around, and even if they did, when a heart attack strikes, you're not going to turn to Consumer Reports for the best hospital for the money. You're going to call 911.

Luckily, most people aren't having coronaries or getting cancer, at least this year. Insurance can help spread risk for when it happens to you or your loved ones. You pay the fixed cost of an insurance premium to eliminate the uncertainty that if and when you're in need, you'll be covered. That's the idea, anyway.

OK, the health care individualist might say. So why not just cover the big stuff that no one can afford with a catastrophic policy, and let people sort out the pediatrician visits and lipitor on their own, or with a tax-free health savings account. Wouldn't ensuring that people have some skin in the game make them the savvy shoppers they are at the grocery store? Putting aside the callous morality of having people fend for themselves when there are sensible alternatives like insurance, there's another good reason why not.

Multiple studies of health care usage find that as copays and out of pocket costs go up, people use less care, and may even shop around, but they also use less care that they might need. People forgo prevention, or even treatment of chronic conditions when they have to shell out their own cash at every visit. Limiting the individual's access to care by keeping it expensive to them can be bad for their health. Additionally, it's not the cholesterol meds or primary care visits that are costing us billions a year. It's the big, expensive miracle stuff.

So the argument comes full circle, what can you do to control health care costs? There are a bunch of possibilities, each of which can be used in combination.

1. You could go with the Government as 800 lb Gorilla approach, where providers, pharmaceutical companies and insurance companies (if they're still around), either come to the table and negotiate rates, or are just told what to charge. In the 'private' systems found in much of Europe, everyone comes to the table, and rates are settled on that allow everyone to make a living (even a profit), while keeping premiums down for the little guy, and ensuring that everyone's covered. A "single payer" or heavily regulated pricing model is probably the simplest way to rein in costs, and it would work, but there's nothing about the 800 lb Gorilla approach that improves quality or makes the system more efficient, or ensures that the care delivered at the end of the chain is the best around. It'll only be the cheapest.

2. You could go with the Government as Brain Surgeon route, where expert panels determine what's most cost effective, and clever payment structures are implemented. For example, you can mandate coverage of generic drugs, or for something brand name that really works. You can establish a rate for a class of drugs, and let people pay anything above that rate. You can mandate that hospitals and doctors are paid flat rates, or on salary. You can use scholarships and loan forgiveness to try and pump out primary care docs that might help keep people healthy and out of the cardiologist's office. Nearly everyone takes some aspect of the Brain Surgeon approach. The shortcoming of this strategy is that central planners don't get timely information, have trouble monitoring whether something's working or not.

3. You could try the Government as Master of All Capitalists system, where the power of competition is employed to produce innovation and lower the costs of care. If insurance companies actually had to compete for your business in a state-run marketplace, they'd all try to undercut each other. They'd see wisdom in integrating themselves with systems of care so they can actually manage what they're insuring. They'd demand a number of approaches to increase the efficiency of medicine, like using electronic records to make sure that you don't get three MRIs for three different doc's. Imagine a world where you'd go online and have a choice of 20 insurance policies from 10 companies, where you could compare them side-by-side, and you'd be guaranteed coverage you can afford, even if you're sick. There are limitations to this approach. For one thing, cost and quality are driven by consumer choice. You don't know if people will make the best choice for their money. Insurance is complicated, no matter how you slice it.

In the long run, there are two simple ways we can control health care costs. The reason why we're in so much trouble now with costs is that it's all a patchwork with weak information for consumers, weak incentives for providers, and weak regulation for insurance. Fixing the cost dilemma is sort of an all-or-nothing proposition.

Nothing: We can let people fend for themselves, cut federal programs as they grow full of old, sick and poor people, promote high-deductible plans out of unregulated states. To be sure, the market will sort out costs. Rich people will be able to get anything they want. Poor people will choose what they value most. Everyone else will make do with whatever coverage they can afford.

All: We can mandate that everyone jump into one big risk pool that doesn't see individual people as individual risks. So young people pay for old people, rich for poor, men for women (who incidentally cost more) . The market will function with the incentives needed to offer a high-quality product to consumers. It'll put us on the path of affordable, quality health care. It'll make Americans more secure, able to take risks as entrepreneurs, and it'll reduce needless suffering.

In the end, there are tradeoffs. Insurance means that you pay to protect yourself from the chance of something bad. It works best when everyone at risk pays into it. Since we're all mortals, we're all at risk of health problems. Some of us are lucky, some less so. And some people don't like being told what to do. They want choices. They'll take their own chances. All I can say is they'll probably like it even less when all the choices available to them are mediocre, expensive and uncertain.

When you trade a little freedom for a little security, you also trade a little savagery for a little civilization. That has been the case since kings raised taxes to defend their kingdoms and build roads. You may like savagery, but I like civilization, and I think I'm not alone.

Thursday, February 04, 2010

You Can't Make This Stuff Up

... if I did make this up, these same guys would call it mockery.

According to the local paper, the Georgia legislature overwhelmingly rejects the involuntary implant of microchips into people's bodies, with the senate voting 47-2 in favor of banning the practice. Who were the two against it? Maoists? Democrats?

According to the article, "The Internet is awash with rumors about the government inserting microchips into people's heads without their consent or knowledge. This bill would prohibit that."

Well, that's one less thing to worry about anyway. Let's get back to roads and bridges.

Way to be pro-active, guys. Way to anticipate threats to the citizens of our great state before they arise from the paranoid fever swamp list serves to become the totalitarian nightmare we all know is coming.

Wow. Look where I live.

The Final Frontier

Staring down the barrel of a $1.5 Trillion budget deficit, and another $14-odd Trillion in the hole, it is no small wonder to me that NASA's new heavy lift vehicle, Constellation, was scrapped in the proposed 2011 budget. I say fine, and I say it as someone who has a fervent, undying wish to one day catch a ride on something headed into Earth orbit, or maybe the moon, and I say this without regret or fear that this dream is in any way diminished by such a budgetary decision.

The long-standing argument in support of NASA's manned space flight program is that great nations have always invested in exploration. Back in the 50s, that investment was a sort of competition between nations and political systems. No one was really sure why it mattered so much, but it did. When Sputnik went up, the fear that the Soviets could drop a nuke from orbit motivated us to launch Explorer, Mercury, Gemini, and ultimately Apollo on a journey to the moon.

But the technology that launched Sputnik into space was already a step or two ahead of what's needed to send an ICBM halfway around the globe at hypersonic speeds, and what the hell were we supposed to do on the moon anyway? The connections between the space race and the arms race were circumstantial, not direct. It was about pride.

What about the great nations before us who invested in exploration? The literature behind the explorers overshadowed the ledgers that sent them on their way in the first place. Anything worth reading from that era is about the glory and travails of those who dared to set out across unknown oceans, but the real, boring truth we learn in school is that it was about the acquisition of resources: spices, gold, slaves to name a few. To be sure, unimaginable riches lie in the exploration of space, but those riches are as yet, unimaginable, and the acquisition of wealth is no longer the province of kings. The needed investment to get a mining operation going on an extraterrestrial body of any kind is many orders of magnitude greater than what's needed to send 100 men with nothing to lose on a ship headed west.

What does this line of thinking mean for our own nation's aspirations to explore the stars? Well, first of all:

1. It's not strategically useful in any conception of modern warfare.
2. No one's found any profit in sending people to space at $50 million a head.
3. It's no longer the state's job to make a profit anyway.

There is a role of the state for space exploration, it's just not war or profit. Like a lot of other things, it's a mix of public goods like scientific knowledge, and public investments in industry. The essential technology of building a rocket and sending people and things into orbit is well-established. The Soviets (now Russians) have used the Soyuz platform for over 4 decades, sending people and things to space with a superior safety record and an inferior price to anything NASA's done since about 1962. NASA is unlikely to do better.

The private sector, venture capitalists, and the current cohort of ungodly rich adventurers are chomping at the bit for a NASA contract that would give them the legitimacy to leverage other private capital into space tourism, space hotels, space electricity, maybe even some space manufacturing.

NASA has taken human exploration as far as it needed to go. Without the massive public investment in the generations since the second world war, it is unlikely that anyone would have made those colossal early investments on their own. NASA will continue to have a role in underwriting basic space science the same way that the National Institutes of Health underwrites basic medical science. We don't go to federal hospitals for surgery, and we don't take federal pills for headaches. We rely on the federal government to ensure hospital and pharmaceutical safety, and to pay for the research that no one who needs to make money is willing to pay for.

As I get older, I wonder whether space will be a destination before I'm a geezer. If I'm ever going to make it up there myself, it's not going to be on a NASA Constellation rocket full of dehydrated ice cream and lab animals. It'll be on Virgin Galactic with other passengers who have shared my childhood dream, sitting back with barely checked excitement, working on a squeezebottle martini on their way to the Lunar Hilton.

At the beginning of what I hope is a long history of human exploration of the Final Frontier, I am optimistic for the first time in years that I may have a place of my own up there, if only as a tourist.